As the value of the dollar continues to decline relative to other currencies, some of those most affected don't even live in the United States. Instead, they are citizens of developing countries who receive remitted dollars from family and friends working abroad. For them, the weakening dollar is particularly crippling because it either converts into less local currency or, for those in countries with pegged currencies, can't keep up with local inflation.

It's a situation roughly similar to American travelers in Europe discovering that it now costs $4.77 for a Big Mac, whereas a year and a half ago the cost was only $3.77. The dollar is no longer going as far as it once did, and the decline is pinching the incomes of remittance recipients -- often the poorest -- and prompting shifts in international migration patterns. Policymakers in developing countries need to act soon to reduce the costs and unpredictability of remittances and ensure that social safety nets cover those who are harmed.

President Bush’s State of the Union address was by no means Earth shattering. However, one point warrants emphasis. Bush asked Congress to approve a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Colombia. He stated that the agreement, whose renewal has stalled for almost a year now, is important for “America’s strategic interests.” Bush hit the nail right on the head. Despite what many on the Hill want you to believe, there is more at stake than the jobs of a fistful of well-buttressed U.S. workers.

As insurgent threats evolve and assume new forms, the United States must also evolve in its ability to counter potentially prolonged threats in several parts of the world. Because of the potential for global reach in contemporary insurgencies, the ability to draw on lessons learned from past counterinsurgency (COIN) campaigns using different historical cases can be valuable, helping current and future leaders prevent a repetition of mistakes and building a foundation on which to build contemporary responses.

To this end, six historic COIN operations from the 19th and 20th centuries are examined to determine which tactics, techniques, and procedures led to success and which to failure. The Philippines, Algeria, Vietnam, El Salvador, Jammu and Kashmir, and Colombia were chosen for their varied characteristics relating to geography, historical era, outcome, type of insurgency faced, and level of U.S. involvement. Specific issues examined include the counterinsurgents’ ability to innovate and adapt, the need to find a way to recognize the threat, and tactics for confronting it.

President Bush, knee-deep in his visit to Latin America, has pledged loyalty and assistance to a region that despite improvements in the last few decades, is still entrenched in rampant inequality, inferior social institutions and serious governance problems. The President has renewed the US’ commitment to working with its neighbors toward social justice for the citizens of the Americas, reinforcing the significance of the partnership for security and peace. Latin Americans on the whole, will, without a doubt regard Bush’s visit with a grain of salt and a bitter murmur of “too little, too late.”

Last Friday's Economist recommended three goals for the president's Latin America trip that begins today:

• In Brazil he should negotiate trade for ethanol that can help the US reduce its dependence on oil.
• In Colombia he should discuss US assistance in the battle against cocaine gangs and violence.
• In Mexico he must address issues of immigration and find a way to allow more Mexican laborers to arrive in the US legally.

I think Bush should heed this advice. We must work to improve relations in Latin America in a way that will be beneficial to us all.