As leaders of the G8 nations discuss the environment and the global financial crisis with Russian president Dmitry Medvedev this week, and EU leaders continue attempts to hammer out a partnership agreement with Moscow, Russian policies are directly undermining western interests in the Caspian region.

The west needs the Caspian. The EU is in the midst of an energy security crisis: increasing percentages of its oil and gas come from Russia, are funneled through Russia, or pass through Russian-controlled infrastructure. The countries of the Caspian region – Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan – present the only viable alternative sources with which Europe could diversify away from the dominance of a Kremlin-controlled monopoly. Turkmenistan's natural gas reserves alone rival those of the Gulf states, yet the EU has so far only tentatively discussed direct European access to these resources.

The January 2007 test of an anti-satellite missile was a watershed event in China’s modernization program, because it demonstrated a key military capability of China and a major vulnerability of the United States. There is another element of China’s military transformation that tends to receive much less attention: professional military education (PME). Over the last three decades, China has undertaken significant efforts to enhance the quality of its military education system (China Brief, March 21, 2007). The expansion of non-commissioned officer (NCO) education over the last decade within the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) illuminates an important—yet understudied—element of China’s broader military modernization efforts. Washington policymakers should take note of Beijing’s investments in military education as they may yield key insights into Chinese military strategy as well as its grand strategy.

Abstract: Russia’s new president, Dmitry Medvedev should be expected to broadly continue his predecessor Vladimir Putin’s foreign policy toward Turkey and the broader Black Sea region. Analysts that cast Medvedev as a mere Putin puppet or those that forecast a gradual increase in power for the new man in the Kremlin miss the crucial question about decision-making in Russia: how much strength will the siloviki – the current and former security service officers – wield to implement policies based largely on mistrust and calculation? The substance of Russia’s poicies in the Black Sea region will likely change little in substance, but may adopt a more subtle, effective style under Medvedev. Despite recent significantly improved relations with Russia, over time, Turkey may find itself in an uncomfortable position between its Western allies and its new-found friends in Moscow.

America’s unipolar moment was indeed that. A moment. Giddy with a sense of triumph following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Americans quickly realised that they had a window of opportunity when their global power would go unchallenged. The period that followed saw robust American economic growth riding on the high-tech revolution; successful military or diplomatic interventions in Bosnia, Haiti, Kosovo and Northern Ireland; unfinished endeavours in Palestine, Korea and Afghanistan; and a severe setback in Iraq. Today, not even twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the evolution of a new kind of multi-polar order appears imminent. The American strategic community finds itself unsure about where its next big challenge will lie.

An attempt by a group of Democratic senators to pressure the State Department to intervene in the Iraqi government’s awarding of oil contracts appeared stalled at the starting gate Tuesday.

Charles E. Schumer, D-N.Y., John Kerry, D-Mass., and Claire McCaskill, D-Mo., want the administration to step in and object to contracts soon to be awarded by the Iraqi government to foreign oil companies, because Iraq has failed to complete action on an oil-sharing revenue law.

These Democrats also argue that giving more money to the Iraqi government would feed its corruption and inflame sectarian violence.

Uniting Pakistan the military state and Pakistan the nascent democracy is our generation’s calling.

There are two Pakistans. The first is stuck in an illusion of undisturbed national stability and unity through military management; the second stands on the weak shoulders of a nascent democracy, perpetually insecure and sporadically functional.

For more than sixty years, Pakistan has struggled with its split personality, brought about by its military or political parties. Historically the United States has preferred the first Pakistan – managed by the military and governed by the free market. The challenge for today's generals and politicians is to find a way to merge, secure, and present the country in a way that attracts the better of the two Pakistans, and preserves U.S. support in the war on terror.

Acres of news space in the United States have been devoted to lamenting America’s falling reputation. Americans want desperately to be loved. But the country’s popularity has been steadily decreasing for the better part of this decade, particularly in Europe and Southwest Asia. Moreover, there are indications that blame for a future global economic slowdown may be pinned on its economic policies.

Most Americans believe that the next US president will mark a decisive shift for the better for the US’s worldwide popularity, especially if Democratic candidate Barack Obama is elected in November. Indians, however, appear unconvinced. The Chinese, Pakistanis, Arabs, Turks, and Mexicans are among those who seemingly share India’s wariness concerning Obama’s slogan of ‘Change’.

As this was published in an academic journal I am only providing the abstract. Should you wish to read the entire article, email me at shaun@shaunrandol.com for a copy.

Abstract: Within the first half of this century the international political system will
include two new rising powers—India and China. These two countries will effect
great changes on the dynamics of the U.S. hegemonic framework; exactly how these
changes will manifest themselves remains speculative. While Sino-American and
Indo-American economic and political exchanges will be scrutinized, mulled over,
and rehashed, the relationship between China and India demands equal attention.

Senator Charles Schumer penned an op-ed in The Wall Street Journal on June 3 entitled “Russia Can Be Part of the Answer on Iran.” To buy Russian support for tougher sanctions on Iran, he argued, the United States should scrap missile defense installations in Poland and the Czech Republic, and basically acquiesce to Russian hegemony in the Caspian Sea region (a potential alternative source of energy for Europe).

So in less than 750 words, Schumer managed to confirm the nightmare scenario of a number of former Russian satellites that are now U.S. allies: under the right circumstances, Washington might be tempted to bargain away the security interests of “New Europe” in the face of “new threats” requiring Russian assistance.